Columns/Op-Eds, Non-Traditional Security

Mumbai Attacks 2008: A Call to Look Within.

Over the past two decades India has demonstrated remarkable consistency in the irrational and incoherent response of its policy makers, people and sections of its mass media to dramatic and outrageous terrorist violence inflicted on the country. The most recent episode, witnessed in Mumbai on November 26 has also been followed by a typical though distinctly more pronounced response from all quarters. Much of the public debate following these terrorist attack has focussed on internal security systems (or the lack thereof) and the effort to punish the perpetrators. The public sphere including the media and academic dialogue seem to be preoccupied with ways to bring in line the truant Pakistan.

This approach has failed consistently and the outcome is unlikely to be any different this time around too. The major flaw with placing the blame entirely on Pakistan is the premise that Pakistan or its proxy warriors could have executed any of these outrageous acts in the absence of serious internal vulnerabilities. Though some of these vulnerabilities are acknowledged by many after the Mumbai attacks, they remain limited to the domain dealing with foreign policy, internal security and intelligence gathering.

Even now there is complete silence on a most crucial aspect that we must recognise; Indian Nationals collaborated with the Pakistani perpetrators in planning and executing this barbaric incident. The law enforcement agencies and the politicians are yet to provide us any clue on the identity of the perpetrators who were killed and on the countless others who helped in the various stages of this act. India, its media and its polity have not even attempted to articulate this dimension in their prescription for preventing these events from occurring again. The increasing presence of radicals in India, in this case those who justify violence in the name of Islam, is a clear and present danger and must be halted if any degree of success is to be achieved in India’s endeavour to tackle the menace of terrorism. It is imperative that Islamic radicalism be recognised as such and then efforts be made to prevent its spread. It is equally important to enact policies that resolve conditions that aid the spread of this violent radicalism.

This reluctance to look within, it may be argued, is due to the inherent predisposition of nations and societies to externalise such incidents. The US and much of the western world has frequently treated terrorist violence as a distant third world phenomenon attributing its cause and origin to the ‘impoverished and backward regions’ of Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Middle-East. This propensity of the western world is a legacy of the colonial/orientalist discourse. It also prevents societies from looking within and engaging with shortcomings in their own socio-political landscape. This is evident from the alacrity with which the West categorises its Muslim citizenry as ‘Moderate and Progressive’ while denouncing the Muslim perpetrators (even when they are from their own populace) as ‘Islamic Terrorists’ motivated and created in alien societies devoid of freedom and liberty. To admit to the existence of discontent and outrage amongst its own Muslim population would be to admit to shortcomings within their own brand of liberal pluralism.

India, its government and people, have responded to the Mumbai attacks and other terrorist action in the past in much the same manner. The origin of these violent incidents have been distanced from within and located entirely in the ‘fundamentalist and undemocratic’ Pakistan. This is simplistic and dangerous. The sophistication, planning and increasing frequency of terror violence in India demonstrates strong local support for this radical Islamist ideology that propagates violence. Irrespective of the existence, contours and construct of a global Jihadi network, it is irrefutable that social conditions do exist within India that create disaffection and hopelessness and allow this population within the Indian Muslim community to be lured to the ideology that many today term ‘Radical Islam’. The existence of SIMI and their violent brand of political agitation confirm to this growth of radicalism in the local Muslim community. The participation of home grown terrorists from educated and middle class backgrounds points to the presence of this radicalism in all strata of society and within the urban mainstream of India.

Radical Islam is not a primeval phenomenon, nor is it unsophisticated. It is now a post-modern ideology able to attract a diverse demography. It also makes use of modern media and communication platforms and positions itself effectively as an alternative and preferred form of habitation for persons seeking an outlet and release from their existing social reality. This presence of Radical Islam demands two specific investigations that India must undertake if it is to effectively respond to its dangerous proliferation. The first must involve an honest study of political, economic and sociological factors that shape anxieties of the Indian Muslim today. This would help in identifying vulnerable sections and vulnerabilities in our systems that may be exploited. The second investigation must construct how Radical Islam offers its ideology to the Indian Muslims as a relief from their current anxieties. It should understand the substantive messages that are communicated by the supporters of this ideology that address the current day issues of the Indian Muslims across the social spectrum.

An understanding of these vulnerabilities and the messages may offer a point of departure for the policy makers and civil society and help to develop a response comprising of both, security and socio-economic dimensions. This would aid policies and processes that would not only make India safer but also enhance its democratic depth.

January 2009.
Link to ORF website.

Non-Traditional Security

India and Singapore discuss non-traditional security issues.

The Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore held their Second Dialogue on 28-29 May, 2009 in ISEAS campus, Singapore. The theme of this year seminar “South and Southeast Asia: Responding to Changing Geo-Political and Security Challenges”, aptly reflected the rapidly changing economic and security situation with immense implications for South and Southeast Asia. The two-day seminar covered a wide range of issues affecting the region.

The first session dealt with the major power dynamics in South and Southeast Asia. Amb. Dilip Lahiri’s paper analysed the changing role of major powers in South Asia. He concluded his paper by suggesting that the US and India together with Japan, ASEAN, Australia and ROK may find their interests converge which may also ensure the peaceful and non-threatening rise of China in the region. In his paper, Mr. Daljit Singh examined engagement of major powers with Southeast Asia. The paper argues that ASEAN has promoted a “benign regional order” with the major powers. In the context of the rise of Asian powers and the dominant power of the US weakening, the possibility of increasing contestation among major powers looked likely if not managed effectively.

The second session of the seminar discussed the rise of Asian maritime power and its implications on Southeast Asia. Adm. Premvir Das’s paper on India’s maritime security underlined the emerging traditional and non-traditional threats. He argued that India’s maritime security interests have assumed increased importance and serve to secure India’s role and economic interests even beyond the Indian Ocean. Dr. Vijay Sakhuja’s paper examined the rise of China as a maritime and naval power from a historical perspective. He argued that the growth of China’s maritime economy will add to the country’s power potential.

The third session dealt with the security issues in Southeast Asia. Dr. Ian Storey’s paper on the South China Sea dispute reviewed the developments and their implications since the 2002 declaration on the conduct of parties and suggested that the dispute may well take centre-stage if the recent trends were any indications. The paper by Dr. K. Yhome analyzed the changing dynamics of external power interactions in Myanmar and their implications. He argued that while the international divide seemed to be narrowing down at the political level, economic and strategic cooperation among external powers in Myanmar looked unlikely in the current geopolitical context.

The fourth session examined the evolving Asian regionalism. Amb. Rodolfo C. Severino’s paper discussed regional institutions such as ASEAN, ASEAN+3 and AFR in East Asia and stressed the point that these institutions need to be strengthened to deal with regional security and non-traditional security issues. In his paper, Prof. K. Kesavan analyzed the role of regional institutions in India’s “Look East” policy and argued that New Delhi’s look east policy was a response to cope with the new challenges in the aftermath of the Cold War.

The fifth session explored the non-traditional security challenges focusing on climate change and its implications. Mr. Samir Saran provided an interesting perspective on climate change and security in South Asia. By redefining climate as “the operating system” for other elements/threats, he argued that there was a need to acknowledge climate as a variable in any emerging security paradigm. Dr. Lee Poh Onn’s paper examined the implications of climate change for Southeast Asia. Basing his argument on some reports he suggested that Southeast Asia has observed impacts of climate change in water resources, increases in temperature as well as health issues.

The papers generated interesting and fruitful discussion and debate thereby opening new perspectives in understanding the issues confronting South and Southeast Asia. The papers presented at the seminar will be compiled into a book for publication.

June, 2009
Link to ORF-website

Books / Papers

BRIC – in the new world order: Perspectives from Brazil, China, India and Russia.

by Nandan Unnikrishnan and Samir Saran
Macmillan Publishers India, 2010

Summary
The BRIC countries are today an increasingly cohesive group of nations with a common vision and shared commitment to collaborate and shape a more equitable and prosperous world order. All four nations are leading economies, large markets and emerging knowledge creators; their interactions within the grouping, and with other nations, hold promise for their own people and for other developing countries. The BRIC country coordination at multilateral fora, such as the G-20, is helping to reorient the existing market economy framework, by stressing the need for greater transparency and accountability of the global financial systems. BRIC’s greater role in the IMF and World Bank is likely to ensure more support and assistance for developing nations, as well as keep surveillance of Western financial practices. While the four are yet to evolve a common position on Climate Change and WTO (Russia is still not a member), BRIC countries will certainly be crucial to any agreement on these vital issues. While there are expectations from this grouping on geo-political matters and international disputes, for the moment, these countries have decided to focus on finance, energy, trade, technology and multilateral pluralism.

This edited volume is the outcome of an event hosted by the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) with the support of the Ministry of External Affairs, as a pre-summit discussion to assist in developing the framework for dialogue among BRIC leaders at Yekaterineburg, in June 2009 and consists of interesting thoughts on these subjects by experts from the four countries. ORF, on its part, is the coordinating think-tank and academic efforts among the BRIC countries and has an extensive partner network in China, Russia and Brazil in both government and private channels.

We are richly endowed collectively in terms of natural resources and other factors of production, and are today in a position to sustain our higher growth rates. Combined with our growing middle classes, and the young populations that most of us enjoy, BRIC can hope to be a factor of growth and stability in the world economy for decades to come.

ISBN : 9780230330665,
Rs. 810.00
To purchase the book, please visit Vedamsbook.in

Further material:
Please find here the link to the “New Edition to Parliament Library”, April 2011 (book # 110).
Book review in ‘Security Index: A Russian Journal on International Security’, Volume 17, Issue 3, 2011. “BRICS – Dawn of a new era or business as usual?”